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Vanya Ivanova, PhD, is a researcher whose scholarly interests and expertise lie in migration studies, including return migration, highly skilled migration, migration policies, refugee adaptation and integration, among others. Her work is based in Bulgaria, where she examines how communities experience and respond to the country’s transition from a place of emigration to one that now receives migrants and returnees. Through fieldwork in Bulgarian cities, towns and rural areas, she studies how different groups of foreign residents settle and interact with local communities, and how returnees navigate the complex process of reintegration. Her research also forms part of the We-ID project, which explores questions of identity, belonging and civic resilience in diverse communities.

We had the chance to ask Vanya a few questions on how Bulgarian communities are navigating migration and diversity, the role of returnees in bridging cultural differences, and what factors contribute to resilient and welcoming local communities

Portrait picture of Vanya Ivanova.

1. Bulgaria is undergoing a “migration transition” — shifting from a country of emigration to one receiving migrants and returnees. From your fieldwork, how are local communities in Bulgaria actually experiencing and negotiating this shift in their everyday lives?

“Foreign residents in Bulgaria have become increasingly visible in recent years. In both urban and rural areas, foreigners settle for a variety of reasons, including employment, education, and lifestyle preferences. Work-related migration is concentrated mainly in larger urban centres, where employment opportunities are greater. Educational migration is also significant: in addition to major cities such as Sofia, Plovdiv, Varna, and Burgas, university towns such as Blagoevgrad host universities that attract students from neighbouring countries, while Pleven has emerged as a centre for medical education, drawing students from across the European Union and beyond. Some foreigners are also attracted by the quality of life in rural areas, particularly in villages near the Black Sea coast or in mountainous regions; for example, many British citizens, along with smaller numbers of German and Italian residents, have chosen to settle there.
Certain migrant communities have become well established. In several Bulgarian cities, Arab communities have developed over time, while Chinese migrants are dispersed across the country, often associated with the promotion of Chinese cuisine. Following Russia’s invasion of Ukraine in 2022, a significant number of Ukrainians sought refuge in Bulgaria; according to the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, approximately 80,000 Ukrainians at the end of 2025 reside in the country. In the past couple of years, labour migrants from Central Asian countries, such as Uzbekistan and Kyrgyzstan, have become visible, particularly in sectors including construction, shop chains, etc.
These examples illustrate the growing diversity of Bulgaria’s population, although still small in number. Nevertheless, persistent political and economic instability and the instrumentalisation of migration issues in political discourse and media narratives often contribute to a predominantly negative portrayal, overshadowing the routine and largely unproblematic nature of these daily encounters.”

2. Your research shows that Bulgarian returnees often navigate layered — and sometimes conflicting — Bulgarian, European, and global identities. How does this sense of complex, multi-layered belonging shape the way “old” and “new” residents interact in shared spaces like workplaces or municipal integration centres?

“Experiences gained while living abroad often expose Bulgarian migrants to new knowledge, social norms, and cultural practices. When the period spent abroad is relatively long – particularly when it occurs during formative stages of personal development – the process of returning can present significant challenges. Returnees frequently report shifts in attitudes and patterns of thinking, and their experiences often lead them to compare behavioural norms and cultural practices between countries. Narratives about differences in punctuality, the appreciation of others’ time, or the perception that “things do not function in the same way here” are commonly encountered in such reflections.
At the same time, the skills, competences, and practices acquired abroad may enable returnees to assume important mediating roles in intercultural contexts. Drawing on their own transnational experiences, they are often able to relate both to local communities and to newly arrived migrants, thereby acting as informal bridges between different cultural environments. Proficiency in foreign languages further enhances their ability to facilitate communication and foster mutual understanding among individuals from diverse cultural and religious backgrounds.
In professional settings, the increasing diversity of work environments highlights the need for more systematic cultural and civic orientation programmes to better inform newcomers about local expectations and workplace norms. In mixed local – foreign work environments, intercultural training can therefore play an important role and should ideally be incorporated into organisational onboarding processes.
Institutionally, however, integration policy and infrastructure in Bulgaria remain limited. Unlike in some other European contexts, there are currently no municipal integration centres; such initiatives are largely coordinated by non-governmental actors. Nevertheless, in recent years, several municipalities have begun to engage in supportive initiatives. For example, the municipality of Plovdiv provided the premises of an unused hospital to establish an accommodation centre for displaced Ukrainians known as “Second Home”.”

3. Within the We-ID project, we aim to build civic competences so that communities can sustain a sense of belonging even amid conflict and controversy. Based on what you’ve observed in Bulgaria, what do you think is the single most underestimated factor in making a local community genuinely resilient and welcoming?

“At the micro level, one contributing factor may be the tendency of individuals to withdraw and become socially isolated as a result of everyday concerns and pressures. The increasing reliance on communication through social media further reinforces this tendency, often reducing opportunities for direct interpersonal interaction.
At the meso level, an important limitation is the lack of accessible communal spaces – such as venues supported by municipal initiatives – where residents can meet, exchange ideas, and interact in informal settings. Such spaces could facilitate encounters between local residents and foreign newcomers, enabling people to learn about one another and fostering stronger community ties.
At the macro level, a key issue is the absence of a comprehensive integration policy or a national programme aimed at supporting the integration of diverse groups of foreigners, particularly during their initial months in the country. Such initiatives, if clearly communicated and framed as beneficial for the Bulgarian society as a whole, could contribute to more constructive public attitudes toward diversity and migration.
If one underestimated factor were to be highlighted, it would be the importance of genuine curiosity about others and the willingness to identify shared goals. This does not imply the absence of critical reflection; rather, it encourages individuals to form opinions based on direct experience whenever possible, to consult diverse sources of information, and to engage in thoughtful, independent views.”

If you would like to learn more about Vanya’s field research in Sofia and Plovdiv, Bulgaria, as part of THE CIVICS’ work within the We-ID project, you can find further insights on the project blog and on the website of the consortium lead, the University of Göttingen.

Author Martin

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